Showing posts with label elections. Show all posts
Showing posts with label elections. Show all posts

Tuesday, January 17, 2012

Wages and Elections

All 213 of Mexico's minimum wages went up 4.2% on January 1, 2012.  

Yes, Mexico has 71 different minimum wages in each of three geographic areas into which the country is divided!  The lowest general minimum wage is $59.08 pesos per day and the highest -- for daily newspaper reporters -- $186.73.  Wage-setting government officials seem to know who should be kept happy.  

Without getting into the issue of whether even that highest minimum wage is a living wage, it is an amount that affects our lives in Mexico regardless of where we are in the social scale.  

As a result of the high inflation of the 1980's, most government fees and fines are set as multiples of the federally mandated minimum wage.  When you see the unpronounceable acronym SMGDVDF it is referring to the applicable daily minimum wage in the Federal District:  $62.33 pesos.  You'll find it in the strangest of places.  Look in the glove compartment of your car to find it on your insurance policy -- it covers the equivalent of a certain number of days of minimum wage.  Traffic fines are set the same way, as are many other government fees.  

Even the amount of money spent in Mexico's federal elections is determined by that diminutive wage.

This year the United States and Mexico will be holding full federal elections; they coincide only every twelve years.  Recent changes in electoral law in both countries make it particularly interesting to compare and contrast these 2012 elections as both countries deal with the legacy of severely challenged recent elections and ever expanding, and penetrating, electoral advertising.  

In the United States electoral advertising is almost entirely paid for by private contributions.  In Mexico equitable and free access to radio and television advertising is controlled by the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE), effectively eliminating one of the biggest expenses in traditional elections.  Furthermore, private funding cannot be used to obtain greater access.  The IFE essentially requisitions each radio and television station to provide forty-eight minutes a day for political advertisements.  Additionally, a new electoral reform prohibits slander, denigration of the candidates, parties, or government institutions in all campaign advertising. 

Though federal elections in Mexico are barely six months away -- July 1, 2012 -- no campaigning is permitted until April 1st. What we are experiencing right now is the selection of candidates within each party.  Limiting the length of campaigns may be one of the most important cost-controlling features of Mexico’s electoral laws -- 87 days for presidential elections, 57 days for midterm elections (campaigning is not permitted the three days before an election). 
In the United States re-election to federal office is allowed (something Mexican law prohibits).  Elected officials in the U.S. estimate they spend at least half their working hours raising money to “amass a war chest” for re-election.  The combined result of lengthy campaigns and no campaign finance limit has led to consolidation of power by the wealthy.  They alone can afford to buy essential media time.

This inequity has been compounded by the 2010 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Citizens United vs. Federal Election Commission.  Corporations were deemed to have the free speech rights of citizens, leading to a previously unseen huge infusion of cash into political action committees able to freely attack opponents without the appearance of the candidate paying for negative ads. 

In Mexico, the IFE oversees federal elections providing a uniform electoral process for the nation.  It finances recognized political parties' campaigns and distributes radio and television time. 

To perform these functions the IFE has a seemingly large purse. The annual amount given to the parties is determined by multiplying the number of registered voters -- of which there are over eighty million -- by 65% of the minimum daily wage in D.F.  In a federal election year that amount increases by 50%.  Thirty percent of this budget is distributed equally among all parties regardless of size; 70% is determined by the votes each received in the previous federal election.  Radio and television advertising time is distributed the same way.  Under this arrangement even the tiniest of parties receives enough money to be an active participant in the campaign.  Parties must receive 2% of the vote share to remain an official party and continue to receive funding.

A recent amendment to the Mexican Constitution states public funding prevails over private funding sources of electoral campaigns.  Although parties and candidates can, and do, solicit campaign contributions, their total income per year cannot exceed double the amount given to them by the IFE, placing a strict maximum on campaign expenses. 
If all political parties receive the full amount of campaign contributions permitted by law, their combined "war chests" are equivalent to less than two days worth of SMGDVDF, per registered voter!  The IFE's budget provides $60.77 pesos; campaign contributions could add $60.76, for a total of all political parties' expenses for the year of $121.53 pesos per registered voter.  It seems like a bargain to me -- less than the cost of a driver's license. 
Though there is frequent talk of U.S. campaign finance reform it is ultimately rejected as unfeasible.  Might the United States look to its southern neighbor for a model of true campaign finance reform?

Tuesday, January 10, 2012

Mexico's electoral system

The word “democracy” will be tossed around a lot this year.  As happens every twelve years, both of North America's federal republics are holding full federal elections.

The root of the word "democracy" comes from the Greek "demos" -- people.  Government by the people is what it implies. However, in both countries, it is representatives of the people who exercise government at the federal level, leading to a more correct description of the USA and Mexico as representative republics.  Nevertheless in both nations there are local governments where true democracy is exercised. Communities in New England, Michigan and Minnesota hold town meetings to vote on local issues.  Some municipalities in Mexico rule themselves by 'uses and customs' (usos y costumbres) in which all residents in good standing are welcome to participate.    

While the US electoral system with all its quirks is fairly well known throughout the world, Mexico has a number of lesser known and frequently overlooked yet fascinating subtleties.

The Federal Electoral Institute (IFE), in charge of Mexico's federal elections, gives elections uniformity on a national level.  State electoral institutes only oversee state elections.  Each state has its own electoral calendar and only a few coincide with federal election day.    

Parties are required to run a full slate of candidates.  This includes a candidate and alternate for each legislative position.  Though Mexico has no alternate for the executive at any level of government, it does have alternates for every senator and deputy.  If a senator or deputy leaves office for any reason, the alternate is sworn in. 
Mexicans will be voting for deputies, senators, and a president on July 1st.  No candidates are allowed to run for re-election.   Each polling station will have three ballot boxes corresponding to the three offices.  Voting is on paper ballots with one for each position for which votes are cast.  Candidates' names are printed on the ballots next to the emblem of their party.  No independent candidates' names are printed on the ballots although there is space for write-ins.  

Citizens vote in their neighborhoods.  If away from home they can vote at special polling booths.  If outside one’s electoral district a citizen cannot vote for deputy.  If out of state, one can only vote for president.  If out of the country citizens may vote for president by mail.   

Mexicans are not required to carry any identification document.  Nonetheless identification is needed for all kinds of reasons.  Voter registration cards are free and have become the identification of choice.  If you are not yourself a Mexican citizen then ask a Mexican friend to show you her/his voter's registration card – it's an impressively complete ID.  At the polls citizens are required to show this card.

Mexico's is a multiparty system.  Seven parties will compete in the 2012 election. Though five parties have chosen their presidential candidates, to date there are only two nominees!   Three parties aligned to run one candidate -- Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador.   Two other parties aligned to run Enrique Peña Nieto.  The remaining two parties are still in the process of choosing candidates.  The presidential candidate who receives the most votes wins the election.  There is no electoral college and no requirement to win by 50% + 1 of the votes.  

By joining coalitions with larger parties, small parties are guaranteed by the larger party a predetermined percentage of the national vote, thus not risking their status as a legal party (requiring 2% of the national vote) and maintaining access to proportional representation seats in both legislative chambers.

The lower house of congress, the Chamber of Deputies, is made up of 500 members -- 300 elected by direct vote and 200 by proportional representation.  A complicated formula distributes 50 of the proportional seats to the parties that win the election in each of five geographical areas, and 150 seats are distributed among the parties who lose the election! 

The Senate of the Union is made up of 128 members.  Sixty-four are elected by direct vote (two from each federative entity), and 64 represent the second and third placed party in each entity.  Entities are referred to because, though not a state, the Federal District participates equally in the election.

Party (or coalition) slates of candidates cannot have more than 60% of the same gender.  In practice this guarantees 40% of the candidates will be women but does not guarantee they will make up 40% of the winning candidates.  The current Chamber of Deputies is 28% women.

When I as a US citizen vote by absentee ballot in Claremont, California, not only is my vote usually not counted (absentee ballots are only counted if they could swing the election), but my candidate for representative has never won in the decades I've voted.  The winning candidate does not reflect my point of view.  No one represents me in the US House of Representatives.  Mexicans, however, know that if the candidates they vote for do not win there will still be members of congress, chosen by their party, who represent them.  In my view, proportional representation, at the legislative level, moves Mexico closer to democracy than the United States.  

How's that for a controversial statement?